A blog about politics.

Obama Too Is An American Exceptionalist

PRAGUE--On Friday, I wrote a blog post on Barack Obama's new more collaborative approach to foreign policy, and contrasted it with the approach of President Bush and John McCain, which I described as "American exceptionalism," or the vision that the United States operated on a plane above and beyond the rest of the world's nations, and should therefore take a significant leadership role.

On Saturday in Strasbourg, my colleague Ed Luce of the Financial Times asked Obama if he subscribed to the American exceptionalist approach. Obama said he did. And his answer was fascinating to me. While in the past the idea that America was exceptional, the shining city on a hill, was evoked as an objective description, a fact, a prediction and a course by which the ship of state could be sailed, Obama used the phrase, by contrast, in a more subjective, self-aware way, acknowledging that the fact that he held this belief was not so, well, exceptional. "I believe in American exceptionalism, just as I suspect that the Brits believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks believe in Greek exceptionalism," the president said.

There is a great essay to be written about this nuance, one that might even touch on the changes in how the humanities were taught at elite universities between the 1950s and 60s, and the 1970s and 80s, when Obama went to school--a time when the understanding of philosophical truth shifted to a study of subjective systems of understanding, not objective realities. As I write, it occurs to me that Obama is the first post-structuralist president this nation has had, and the effect is wide ranging. (I will return to this idea later, I hope.) In the meantime, I must admit that I was wrong in that previous blog post. Obama too is a self-described American Exceptionalist. But the difference I described is still real, and it appears in the nuance of how Obama interprets the meaning of that phrase. The Bush vision, as described in his second inaugural address, is far more prescriptive than the Obama vision, and contains far less doubt. A full transcript follows after the jump. I encourage you to read it.

Q Thank you, Mr. President. In the context of all the multilateral activity that's been going on this week -- the G20, here at NATO -- and your evident enthusiasm for multilateral frameworks, to work through multilateral frameworks, could I ask you whether you subscribe, as many of your predecessors have, to the school of American exceptionalism that sees America as uniquely qualified to lead the world, or do you have a slightly different philosophy? And if so, would you be able to elaborate on it?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: I believe in American exceptionalism, just as I suspect that the Brits believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks believe in Greek exceptionalism. I'm enormously proud of my country and its role and history in the world. If you think about the site of this summit and what it means, I don't think America should be embarrassed to see evidence of the sacrifices of our troops, the enormous amount of resources that were put into Europe postwar, and our leadership in crafting an Alliance that ultimately led to the unification of Europe. We should take great pride in that.

And if you think of our current situation, the United States remains the largest economy in the world. We have unmatched military capability. And I think that we have a core set of values that are enshrined in our Constitution, in our body of law, in our democratic practices, in our belief in free speech and equality, that, though imperfect, are exceptional.

Now, the fact that I am very proud of my country and I think that we've got a whole lot to offer the world does not lessen my interest in recognizing the value and wonderful qualities of other countries, or recognizing that we're not always going to be right, or that other people may have good ideas, or that in order for us to work collectively, all parties have to compromise and that includes us.

And so I see no contradiction between believing that America has a continued extraordinary role in leading the world towards peace and prosperity and recognizing that that leadership is incumbent, depends on, our ability to create partnerships because we create partnerships because we can't solve these problems alone.

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  • 1

    [...] Obama Too Is An American Exceptionalist [...]

  • 2

    Interesting post MS. I doubt any president would say they DIDN'T subscribe to American Exceptionalism but there certainly is a distinction to be drawn between the My Way or the Highway version of his immediate predecessor and BHO's.
    .
    I hope you get back to the post-structuralist stuff. I know nothing about that-other than from the wiki link- and would like to read your thoughts.

  • 3

    Short version of Obama's comments: Kick in some cash and troops guys. We're broke too but there's still some sh!t that needs done.

  • 4

    very interesting indeed. i'd love to read your thoughts on this post-structuralism stuff.
    .
    the way i see obama's multilateralism is in the context of writing a blueprint for the post-cold war, 21st century world. We've pretty much been aimlessly oscillating from one approach to another. we just can't police the world all by our own any longer. we don't have the resources nor the political will. So, Europe, and the Middle East in particular should be taking a more significant leadership role. Afpak isn't America's War. When we defeat Al Qaeda, we don' t just protect American lives. So, we can't socialize all the risks and dangers, gain the scorn of the world but still manage to protect them. And if we're willing to listen to them and take their advice, if they want more leadership role, they must assume the responsibilities that come with it.
    .
    in that respect, i don't think his philosophy is much different in terms of foreign security policy as in foreign economic policy (addressing the unsustainable trade deficits, as you've argued quite ably the other day.

  • 5

    Is there a difference in practice between Obama's American Exceptionalism and the Project for a New American Century's?
    .
    What specifically would that difference be?
    .
    How would we see that difference demonstrated in practice, say with respect to the Afghanistan occupation?

  • 6

    i suppose my general point is, im disappointed that we just committed 21,000 new troops just by ourselves. and 21 nations came together to strongly the plan but commit just 5,000 troops. leadership isnt about running your mouth and laying blame, and trumpeting how much your arguments prevailed. you have to get down to business too. and i wish obama had pushed them a bit harder to take responsibility proportional to their larger megaphone.

  • 7

    the difference between American exceptionalism and the "exceptionalism" of other nations is the level of national maturity behind the idea of "exceptionalism" that mitigates against the hubris inherent in exceptionalism. Other nations may think they deserve to be treated as exceptional, but only the US claim the right to exceptional treatment.
    _
    and while Obama may be smart enough to blur this distinction in front of international audiences, he still shows strong signs of possessing the same basic "american exceptionalism" mindset that continues to prove disasterous to this nation. (although one does suspect that Obama's conceptualization of American exceptionalism is tied to his own ego -- of course the US is "exceptional"; after all, Obama is their president...)

  • 8

    (although one does suspect that Obama's conceptualization of American exceptionalism is tied to his own ego -- of course the US is "exceptional"; after all, Obama is their president...)
    -
    Oi.
    -
    Obama will NEVER do right by you will he Pluk? He could do EXACTLY the same things Hillary would have done and you would STILL criticize because he's not your girl. Lawd you are getting smarmy.

  • 9

    Michael, in your ample free time you would enjoy Sarah Vowell's great book, The Wordy Shipmates, which includes a discussion of the city on a hill from William Bradford through Reagan and in the context of the 2008 campaign. Though you may have already read it...

  • 10

    Michael -- This really has been some of your best writing on the blog. You've offered nuance and insight well beyond the day-to-day soundbite politics and conventional wisdom. You get beat up a lot here and you deserve praise when it's due. Please keep up the good work.

  • 11

    Pluk... I wonder how some European countries twice or even three times the age of our America would respond to your anointment of America's "national maturity."

  • 12

    The way Obama views it, "exceptionalism" seems to be not very different from patriotism or nationalism (without the connotation ascribed to it by Nazi Germany). This isn't the usual interpretation of American Exceptionalism, which is a more elastic and poignant term.

  • 13

    Cosmic convergenge: I just received a call for chapters for a book on American Exceptionalism:
    .
    Overview:

    This planned volume will examine America's exceptionalist rhetoric as it is
    manifested in a wide variety of forms and venues, including but not
    limited to the following:
    - political communication (including campaign discourse and political
    rhetoric in general)
    - presidential rhetoric
    - foreign policy discourse
    - media coverage of various events
    - popular/mediated culture (film, TV, radio, fiction, music, video games,
    and other entertainment forms)
    - advertising and marketing campaigns
    - art, visual symbols, and other forms of visual communication

  • 14

    I guess we won't get a post about the ass hole in Pittsburgh that murdered 4 police officers because he thought President Obama was going to take his guns away. I guess if we got a post about that then somebody at Swampland might actually have to point out the role Conservative media probably played in driving that idiot to commit his crimes and nobody ever wants to call a spade a spade do we?
    .
    http://smoothlikeremy.blogspot.com/2009/04/i-wonder-where-he-got-that-idea-from.html

  • 15

    SG it will get exactly the amount of attention the Bernie Goldberg inspired murder got.
    .
    Shooting up churches, killing cops. Flat out saying they were so moved by wingnut talk they HAD TO KILL.
    .
    Ignore.

  • 16

    Folks: it is 2.30 in the morning where I am in Europe. American Exceptionalism is bs here. We screwed up on our economy; we are according to my dinner companions a##holes who robbed our own people of their cash all in the name of Wall Street knows it all. And our counterparts in Europe have more safety nets that we have pins for a baby's napkins. I am off to bed now. But here: Obama is great, the Republicans are nuts, and if the Democrats don't stand up for something then they will be nuts too.

    Got to go to bed: too much wine.

  • 17

    Could not sign off with out a bow to SGW and SZ.

  • 18

    So exceptionalism means that America is extremely good. And extremely evil, too? Which causes me to conclude that it is all an exercise in semantics. Meaningless.
    .
    I know evil when I see it. Look up the Bush administration. I know good. Maybe the Obama administration will get that listing some day, but not yet.
    .
    In the meantime, I wait and watch, and think exceptionalism is just another word in the mind of the beholder.

  • 19

    Makes sense that someone who is such a fan of Lincoln would be an American exceptionalist.
    .
    There are many kinds of exceptionalisms that are possible. One of the reasons I was so PO'ed by the Bush administration is that he was turning America into just another two-bit, tyrannical empire. Weren't we built to be exactly the opposite of that?

  • 20

    SG: Here's a primer on Budget Reconciliation I though you'd like to read.

  • 21

    Thanks so much bitterpill8.
    .
    Enjoy your Euro-life. I live with a European person, but right at the moment I have strep throat.

  • 22

    Adolph Hitler was one of the greatest believers in exceptionalism of all time. What others are there?

  • 23

    just another two-bit, tyrannical empire
    .
    We're getting more and more Soviet by the day.

  • 24

    sz, I don't even know what to make of the administration trying to avoid executive compensation restrictions. Why? It wouldn't be an issue if the executives delivered profits rather than massive loss and financial disaster.
    .
    Is this another example of exceptionalism? For crooked executives?

  • 25

    formerlyjames:
    .
    Is this another example of exceptionalism?
    .
    In a certain way, I think that it is.
    .
    This is a 1997 paper by Brad DeLong, in which he claims that the Europeans are the ones being "Exceptional":

    E. Virtuous Circles
    .
    All these explanations rely, at some level or other, on virtuous circles. One way to think about the post-World War II settlement, and the contrast with the interwar period, is as a coordination problem. Labor, management and government in Europe could, in effect, choose to try to maximize their current share of national income-as after World War I. Inflation, strikes, financial disarray, cyclical instability and productivity problems can all be seen as corollaries of this equilibrium.
    .
    Alternatively, the parties could trade current compensation for faster long-term growth and higher living standards, even in present-value terms. Workers would moderate their wage demands, management its demands for profits. Government agreed to use demand management to maintain employment in return for wage restraint on the part of unions. Higher investment and faster productivity growth could ensue, eventually rendering everyone better off.
    .
    Such a "social contract" is advantageous only if it is generally accepted. If workers continued to aggressively press for higher wages, management had little incentive to plow back profits in return for the promise of higher future profits. If management failed to plow back profits, workers had little incentive to moderate current wage demands in return for higher future productivity and compensation. If labor relations were conflictual rather than harmonious, productivity would be the casualty. Once western Europe had shifted onto this "social contract" equilibrium path--once workers and management began to behave in a mannger consistent with the superior equilibrium--they had no obvious reason to stop.
    .
    IV. The End of the Miracle
    .
    Everything went right in western Europe--growth, distribution, price stability, employment stability--up until 1973. Since then things have gone wrong. If western Europe is "exceptional" today, it is exceptional in its high and stubborn structural unemployment, and in the narrow vision of its central bankers.

    .
    It all starts with those unreasonable European workers "If workers continued to aggressively press for higher wages..." and ends with "the narrow vision of its central bankers" who couldn't be persuaded by visionaries like Summers that their financial products markets should be almost completely de-regulated.
    .
    What's interesting is that DeLong quotes himself and Larry Summers as a source of credible theory that backs up his contentions in the paper ("I believe in the estimates found in DeLong and Summers (1991)").
    .
    It's interesting that Brad DeLong and Larry Summers produced a number of papers together during the 1980's early 1990's:

    J. Bradford De Long and Lawrence H. Summers, "How Does Macroeconomic Policy Matter?" Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1988: 2 (Fall 1988), pp. 433-480. (Earlier version issued as HIER working paper no. 1418, December 1988.)
    .
    J. Bradford De Long and Lawrence H. Summers, "Equipment Investment and Economic Growth," Quarterly Journal of Economics 106: 2 (May 1991), pp. 445-502. (Earlier version issued as NBER working paper no. 3515, November 1990).
    .
    # J. Bradford De Long and Lawrence H. Summers, "Quanto è Forte il Legame tra Crescita e Meccanizzazione?" Rivista di Politica Economica (November 1992).
    .
    # J. Bradford De Long and Lawrence H. Summers, "How Robust Is the Growth-Machinery Nexus?" Rivista di Politica Economica (November 1992).
    .
    # J. Bradford De Long and Lawrence H. Summers, "Equipment Investment and Economic Growth: How Robust Is the Nexus?" Brookings Papers on Economic Activity (Fall 1992).

    .
    I'm being somewhat facetious, but this is an interesting avenue...it's too bad some intrepid political reporter couldn't make a study of this notion and the actors involved...

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